August 5, 2005
Eclipsed by daily spectacles of
made-for-television brutality, Iraq’s other war has gone largely unnoticed, the
indifference, no doubt, also having to do with the fact that this war is being
waged against a people long at society’s receiving end—women.
The men waging this war are Islamists, some
Shiites, some Sunnis, the first taking their cues from Iran’s Khomeinism, the
latter from Saudi fundamentalism. Both find justification for their beliefs and
actions in such overtly sexist passages from the Koran as this one: “Men have
authority over women because God has made the one superior to the other, and
because they spend their wealth to maintain them” (4: 34), and from such absurd
Islamic rules as the following: Stoning to death for prostitution, mutilation
for thieving, giving a son twice a sister’s share of an inheritance, and only a
meager eighth of a share for a widow; and making a woman’s testimony at a court
of law worth only half that of a man.
From its very inception, modern Iraq as a state
rightly decided that these religious impositions were too backward, too
discriminatory, and too archaic to have any role to play in a society organized
around egalitarian principles. On this even the nastiest dictators that
followed the 1958 Revolution were in agreement. The Kurds in particular have
been pioneers in supporting women’s rights.
Today, however, America’s somewhat sloppy
effort at regime change has opened the way for the enemies of equality from the
country, the region, and beyond to join forces in an organized campaign to push
the clock back for women. Through their proxies, Iranian mullahs have already
succeeded in turning much of Shiite Iraq into an extension of their oppressive
theocracy. As one Basra resident bitterly puts it, the city “has slipped under
the sway of shia Islamist parties and their militias,” with Iran practically
calling the shots (Timesonline, 29 Jul. 2005). The situation in the
Sunni triangle is much the same, except here money and inspiration pour in from
West of the border. For their part, Euro-Islamists (Tamimi and al-Bakri and al-Masri
and their ilk), finding themselves to be intellectually bankrupt in a Europe
long committed to individual freedoms and rigorous thinking, continue to bombard
the airwaves with a steady stream of anti-Western propaganda, viewing everything
from the narrow prism of Islam, and stubbornly portraying women’s rights as part
of an effort by the West to undermine the Islamic faith. The aim here is, of
course, to deny women a voice of their own and provide justification for their
continued subservient position to men like themselves. So who is really in
conspiracy against whom here?
This is the ideological side of this war. The
war is also being fought on two other fronts. At the street level, women who
dare to question male power or who refuse to subjugate their bodies to the
dictates of crude and brainless men find themselves verbally abused, harassed,
spat at, and even killed; and, in an ultimate act of savagery against the female
body, some even have had acid thrown at their faces and legs.
At the political level, Islamists are actively
trying to put Iraq through an Islamic makeover, despite the fact that the
country has always been multi-religious, multi-ethnic, and multi-cultural, and
deeply secular. For women, as well as for the secular Kurds, this is nothing
short of a calculated effort at hijacking democracy and paving the way for the
eventual creation of a theocracy, Iranian-style.
One line from the proposed draft constitution
reads, “Islam is the official religion of the state and is the main source of
legislation.” Another line reads, “No law that contradicts with its rules can
be promulgated.” In a democracy, religion cannot be the main source of
legislation because all religions are patently undemocratic. Democracy provides
religion with an environment in which it can be practiced freely or not
practiced at all, but democracy cannot allow any one religion to become a
society’s absolute authority. This is because in a democracy matters of faith
cannot be state imposed. The draft constitution does talk about equality of all
under the law; it also promises equal rights for women but with a sinister
catch—only if those rights do not “violate Shariah,” or Koranic law.
Iraqi women have taken to the streets because
they know exactly what this is all about: in filtering everything through
Islam, in continually carping about Western conspiracies against Islam, in
insisting that every choice one makes has to be purely Islamic no matter how
impossible or ridiculous that may be, today’s Islamists want to preserve and
solidify power in the hands of men.
This campaign against women, however, is much
bigger than what it appears: it is the harbinger of worst things to
come—especially for the Kurds. It is not just women that the Islamists want to
control; it is also Kurdistan. Virtually everything the Kurds stand
for—federalism, control over natural resources, women’s rights, separation of
religion and state, the Kurds’ right of self-determination—Islamists tend to be
overwhelmingly against. While the Kurds call for a loose federation, the
country’s prime minister and his spokesman and the mullahs in Najaf and
elsewhere call for a strong centralized government. While the Kurds rightly
refuse to fly the racist and undemocratic Saddam-era flag, the Islamists embrace
it. And while the Kurds have taken important steps towards the creation of a
civil society, the Islamists continue to push their region into the fold of
theocracy.
And theocracy is exactly what they have in mind
for the entire country. Contrary to how they try to market it, the Islamist
position is not based on some universal truth: it is just a viewpoint—a very bad
one, too, because it is made possible and sustained by prejudice, ignorance,
superstition, and prohibition against thinking. It is a position that cannot
even be defended in cultural terms, for in a male-privileging culture, like the
one represented and advocated by the Islamists, injustice against women is
already built in and sanitized as cultural norms.
Dr. Sabah Salih is Professor of English at
Bloomsburg University, USA. <Ssalih@bloomu.edu>