KurdistanObserver.com
Kurds’ Power Wanes as Arab Anger Rises
By ALISSA J. RUBIN
The New York Times
Feb 1, 2008
BAGHDAD — As a minority group in Iraq, the Kurds have enjoyed disproportionate
influence in the country’s politics since the ouster of Saddam Hussein in 2003.
But now their leverage appears to be declining as tensions rise with Iraqi
Arabs, raising the specter of another fissure alongside the sectarian divide
between Sunnis and Shiites.
The Kurds, who are mostly Sunni but not Arab, have steadfastly backed the
government, most recently helping to keep it afloat when Prime Minister Nuri
Kamal al-Maliki lacked support from much of Parliament.
With their political acumen, close ties to the Americans and technical
competence at running government agencies, the Kurds cemented a position of
enormous strength. This allowed them to all but dictate terms in Iraq’s
Constitution that gave them considerable regional autonomy and some significant
rights in oil development.
But now the Kurds are pursuing policies that are antagonizing the other
factions. The Kurds’ efforts to seize control of the oil-rich city of Kirkuk and
to gain a more advantageous division of national revenues are uniting most
Sunnis and many Shiites with Mr. Maliki’s government in opposition to the
Kurdish demands.
For the United States, the diminution in Kurdish power is part of a larger
problem of political divisiveness that has plagued its efforts to build a
functioning government in Iraq. While several political parties can come
together to address a particular issue, none can seem to form the lasting
allegiances needed for actual governance.
The Kurds, with their pro-American outlook, were a natural ally. But now the
Americans are increasingly placed in the uncomfortable position of choosing
between the Kurds, whom they have long supported and protected, and the Iraqi
Arabs, whose government the Americans helped create.
One major Shiite group, the Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq, has not publicly
taken sides, but powerful people within the party have been openly critical of
the Kurds. Others expressing frustration are leading members of Parliament and
Hussain al-Shahristani, the oil minister and a prominent Shiite politician, who
calls Kurdish oil contracts with foreign companies illegal.
Humam Hamoudi, a leader of the Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq, said, “They are
no longer the egg in the balance,” using an Arabic proverb that refers to the
item that tips the scale. Mr. Hamoudi added, “The Kurds are not so powerful.”
Independent analysts largely back that assertion. “There’s a strong feeling that
the Kurds have overreached,” said Joost Hiltermann, a senior analyst for the
Middle East at the International Crisis Group who is based in Istanbul.
“The Kurds had their eye on independence in the long term, and they wanted to
use the current window to increase the territory they hold and the powers they
exercise within the territory,” he added. “They’ve done well on the powers, but
not so well on the territory. They now face real restrictions.”
The jousting threatens to undermine much of what the Kurds have achieved in
political influence and to supersede, at least temporarily, the far deeper
divide between Sunnis and Shiites.
And by helping unite Sunnis and Shiites, the Kurds’ overreaching has
strengthened the hand of Mr. Maliki despite widespread doubts about his ability
to govern effectively. The tensions could even persuade the central government
to further postpone an already delayed referendum on whether to make Kirkuk part
of the Kurds’ semiautonomous region.
“The government got a lot of support when they stood against the exaggerated
demands of the Kurds,” said Jaber Habeeb, an independent Shiite member of
Parliament who is also a political science professor at Baghdad University. But
to capitalize on this support, which is almost certain to be temporary, he said,
the government must move quickly to improve electricity, water and other basic
services.
The Kurds have been locked for decades in a power struggle with Sunni Arabs,
most recently with Mr. Hussein. That led to the Hussein government’s Anfal
campaign, in which about 180,000 Kurds died and 2,000 Kurdish villages were
destroyed, according to Kurdish counts.
The United States and its allies created a no-flight zone over the Kurdish areas
after the Persian Gulf war in 1991, and the areas have since become increasingly
affluent. While much of Iraq has been engulfed in violence since 2003, Kurdistan
has been notably peaceful, with streams of foreign investment and a building
boom in Erbil, the largest city. Against that backdrop, the Kurdish aspiration
to bring more territory, including Kirkuk, into its semiautonomous region looks
greedy to the Arabs.
In a signal of its displeasure, Parliament has refused to approve a new budget
because it awards the Kurds 17 percent of the total revenues, which many
representatives say is more than their share based on population. Because Iraq
has not had a census in decades, it is impossible to know the true size of the
Kurdish population. Some Kurdish leaders say it could be 23 percent; some Arabs
say it is 13 percent.
The Kurds are also believed to collect millions of dollars in duties on goods
coming into Iraq but they neither send the money to Baghdad nor share accounts
of the income, according to the International Monetary Fund.
Parliament members are also angered that the Kurds want Baghdad to pay salaries
of their militia, the pesh merga, from the Defense Ministry’s budget. The pesh
merga operate primarily in Kurdistan rather than serving the country as a whole.
However, the Kurds contend that in the event of an invasion they would be on the
front lines. Such a situation seems all too real to the Kurds, because Turkey
has recently threatened to invade to rout the rebel Kurdistan Workers Party. The
rebels have been mounting attacks over the border into Turkish territory.
Perhaps most grating for Iraqi Arabs, the Kurds have refused to back down on the
oil exploration contracts they have signed with foreign companies. Arabs view
the central government as the only entity empowered to approve contracts, albeit
in consultation with the regions where the oil is located.
The Kurds argue that the central government has been dragging its feet on an oil
law and that they cannot afford to defer oil exploration and development
further, said Ros Shawees, a former vice president of Iraq and point man in
Baghdad for Massoud Barzani, the president of the semiautonomous Kurdistan
Regional Government.
The Kurds acknowledge that they are worried by the opposition that has
developed, although they are reluctant to concede that they may have overplayed
their hand. “It is necessary to keep such feelings to a minimum,” Mr. Shawees
said. “We have to work in different respects to show that the Kurdish region
doesn’t just make demands and take things, but that the region is an example for
all regions and it can benefit all Iraq.”
For now, however, the budget has yet to be approved, the oil law and revenue
sharing laws are in limbo, and there is a new and visible fault line on the
Iraqi political scene.
