Time Questions Us

By: Sabah Yassin

Oct 18, 2005

Life is a simplistic but complicated force that sets the human mind to question. From the age of two years a child will begin to question what, who and why, often without any direction or even looking to receive an answer.  By doing this the child in the end tries to define their position and give meaning to their capabilities. Now, at this stage of my political activities and life experience, I am like a child, still struggling to define the cause of my problem as a Kurd.  I ask the questions below with the aim of locating my own political direction in relation to the political maps of the G8 countries.  I hope that able Kurds and their sympathisers' will work to turn the Kurdish political system into a real constitution resulting in the Kurds having a separate identity inside the Iraqi Constitution.  I say this after a year living in Kurdistan and witnessing the failure of Kurdish politicians to encourage participation of able Kurds in the decision making process and the establishment of a constitution and her a simple outline of the last years budget for those whom understanding economy than me to valuate their inability to arrange economy and I do not go into how much of those money spend of political member of PUK and I believe KDP follow similar way of budget.

Her is PUK or Suleimaniyah budget for this years1, 140,000,000 US$.
Spending 310 million for salaries.
Spending for 110 million for pension.
Spending 520 million for Government running cost including very small and simple maintenance work.
Remaining 220 million is for project and development work which make any one think of how economy is run.   

Consequently I come to ask these questions of myself and others:

• How do the Kurds define their social and political culture?
• Can the Kurds claim any cultural identity and what political culture has been employed to reach that end?
• To what extent can Kurdish nationalist aspirations be preserved and promoted through developing the remains of the distorted political tribalism and families existing at the moment into actual political parties responding to establishing the constitution? 
• The majority of the Kurds are followers of various forms of Islam which arose from the merging of their pre Islamic beliefs with the Islamic faith.  However, how far the Kurds have modified and evolved Islam, has never been discussed openly.  In the event of an open discussion, would the current Islamic world be prepared to accept this alternative practice of Islam?.  How should the Kurds define their own spiritual identity in the light of these differences? 
• The Middle Eastern states ideologically do not accept the expression of cultural diversity politically. This stems from the belief of ”One God and One Authority”.  Colonialism has exploited this belief in the creation of Turkey, Iran, Syria and Iraq to meet its own ends instead of preserving the diversity of the culture.  Do the Kurds have to accept this situation for another 80 years in the name of democracy?
• Why do the representatives of Kurdish political culture continue to disregard the creative input, socially, economically and politically of the Kurds and their sympathisers living in the industrialised countries?
• Should Kurdish political leaders and Kurdish intellectuals, interpret a new Kurdish political reality and work effectively in order to reinforce a modern identity of a Kurdish “state”?
• Can the Kurdish people build bridges across their own cultural diversity and divisions, ie language, political beliefs, religious practice, along with the divisions caused by artificial national borders?
• The USA speaks of a “Great Middle Eastern Strategy” however the Kurds do not know yet how to play the West at their own game.  Both forces need to recognise each others game and respect each other as equal players.  

Is the existing Kurdish political framework or political culture able to create workable answers to these questions? Should the Kurdish Diaspora create pressure groups so they can play a part in creating what is missing in the Middle Eastern power structure.

The Current Kurdistan

Modern states are an expression of their political culture.  This political culture reflects and represents the cultural identity of the group of individuals living within that state.  When used in this context, “identity” is an aggregation of thought expressed in a particular language. Linguistics as a form of mental creativity has shaped cultural values. As a result, a common understanding is established in ways particular to each culture in order to communicate among themselves and others.  In turn, those values have indirectly infused political culture into a language. Grammar is the regulator for any language, and tends to reflect the egalitarian or hierarchical values of a particular social culture.  It seems to me that Kurdish grammar still carries the egalitarian values of tribal societies.  However as few genuine Kurdish tribal structures remain today they cannot promote Kurdish national identity through this ideal, despite Kurdish politicians continuing to use it for their own ends. Consequently this manipulated ideal along with a left wing misinterpretation of history, has left the Kurds in limbo with political corruption.  The future of Kurdish societies has found itself dependant on whatever USA Strategy is in vogue unless the Kurds of the Diaspora can work to influence the agenda.

Since the First World War, the Kurds have been subject to the “divide and conquer” machinations of the West, ruled by nations largely invented by Imperialism. This has been the main factor in causing the process that led to the corruption of the egalitarian values of tribal culture, consequently transforming it into what it is today. Instead of being proactive, Kurdish society has been left with no political culture of its own except reaction to these imposed methods of Modernity in the form of rebellion.  These sequences of political cultural crisis, have comprised of inconsistent political action and no visionary leadership appearing in the political arena to change the imposed order and interpret the publics cry for independence during the two World Wars and Cold War. Now there are new opportunities stemming from increased globalisation, but the leadership is still caught in inaction by accepting the imposed agenda of established world order, instead of promoting the Kurdish identity. 

Globalisation is an attempt to solve the imperatives of social and economic productivity and take into consideration human potential. This is a rational process which needs a innovative interpretation so that any nation is able integrate with the world powers rather than just stay hidden as part of the past.  The enterprise market is an old jungle, but the law of the jungle is still preferable to the laws of moralists, whether Christian or Muslim.  Life’s game is more than just the rigid ideological descriptions of these moralists. Consider the simple rules of football or hide and seek. These rules can be called laws. “Laws” directly or indirectly, written or simple common sense, are an outcome of political culture, social norms or the dynamic of life as a whole.

Political forces have tried to give a philosophical explanation to globalisation and have justified that it is economically related.  At this moment, opposing sides cannot do more than complain.   Is it clear in the midst of these changing directions that “humanity” is in the midst of rational evolution? Human beings as children of evolution are still struggling to reach a mature relationship with the self as they have journeyed from hunter/gatherer, agrarianism, and industrialisation to the modern tribal village of globalisation. In each epoch of great change, societies have created a new value system to enable humans to evolve from one relationship to another.  Sometimes this is progressive and successful, while at other times is reactionary and retards growth.  In these contexts, the existing culture is a creative vehicle for individuals’ producing ideas into a stream of social crisis.  Kurdish politicians need to rethink and evaluate individual creativity in the many different fields of life, in order to open healthy and viable windows so the people can actively partake in political culture, rather than rely on warlords playing manager of the political game.

The Vision

Industrialised nations are currently the centre of power and creativity, shaping the world with their ideas both directly and indirectly. The Kurdish communities throughout Europe are becoming an integral part of the potential for change. In addition, the people of industrialised countries have begun to realise what damage their states caused in the past to other cultures through Imperialism and the era of Cold War politics.  In this climate of global change, the Kurds of the Diaspora can play a dynamic role, working alongside the Kurds in Southern Kurdistan, in creating a functional state reflecting the culture which has been denied the opportunity of representing itself as it actually is.

Conclusion

The occupation of Iraq has made it evident that the industrial societies, facing global economic challenge, must modify industry as well as the world market.  To be able to do this effectively they need to recreate a new world order.  As the world market grows more global it consequently becomes less restricted politically. A secure national identity is more responsive to free market need than a dysfunctional one.  In my opinion reason lies behind the rationalised market evaluations, in which historically man has struggled to manage and compete according to agreed regulations, rather than just capitulate. These regulations first appeared in the city states which formed the basis of modern nation states.  As Aristotle 2,400 ago, said “humans are political animals”, this is a statement that humans should reclaim.

The rival forces in the market economies are based on rational choices, as observed by the English Economist, Adam Smith, in the 17^th century.  These forces are now globalising the climax of competition Smith predicted.  Competition, with time, has created an open door of opportunity for any individual nation to claim and promote its economic interests as well as its cultural identity. In today’s world, industrialised nations do recognise forces that compete on the basis of a nation or nation state. The Kurds as a people can fit easily into such a definition.  Kurdistan has existed in effect in Northern Iraq as an autonomous state since 1991.  The USA and UK have quietly recognised this and their occupation of Iraq in 2003 has not changed the situation.  The Kurds have to promote their freedom and interests by informing Europe of both this reality and the strength of the Kurdish Diaspora living among them.

Kurdish political representatives and intellectuals need to calculate rationally the rules of the economic and political game.  Their political culture should be presented as an active member of the world market, by setting up a strategic approach to counter power, instead of playing the role of a regional force. As we know, the modern state is the only institution to safeguard individual need and promote it. In order to achieve this necessity for the Kurdish people, the following is required:

1)      A visionary political leader who will share responsibility with those Kurds who are capable of reshaping the managing of their political needs, rather than living with primordial loyalties.

2)      Kurdish intellectuals need to develop a dynamic approach in thinking to the socio-political reality of managing Kurdish society and a better understanding of global directions other than distancing themselves or allowing opportunists to exploit political gaps.

3)      Political parties need to upgrade their political culture to meet the demands of constituting their party as well as society.

4)      The Kurdish Diaspora should form an agenda to assist individuals in industrial countries, along with providing a lead to the different interest groups within Kurdish society, so they can become more politically involved in setting up effective decision-making processes instead of relying on inherited political rights.

It is every Kurds responsibility to question the historical disputes of the political parties, prompting an open debate similar to that which took place in South Africa, and seeking to bridge the chasm between past blood feuds. In order to play the great game of international politics, Kurdish politicians should take encouragement from the Kurdish people, take the initiative for their own plans and effectively re-interpret the political culture of the past in the light of present and future possibilities. Positive debate among Kurdish intellectuals and leaders, with a love of knowledge, will preset a new formula for promoting this.

Sabah Yassin

Sabah1054@yahoo.co.uk