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KurdistanObserver.com
A Kurdish Vision of Iraq
By Massoud Barzani
Washington Post
Wednesday, October 26, 2005; Page A19
In recent weeks Iraq has passed three important milestones. The
constitutional referendum on Oct. 15 was a powerful demonstration of Iraqis'
desire to establish democracy and save a country still recovering from its
disastrous history. Two days later the remains of 500 of my kinsmen were
returned from a mass grave in southern Iraq for reburial in Iraqi Kurdistan.
Another 7,500 of my kin are still missing after "disappearing" from a Baathist
concentration camp in 1983 in the first phase of the genocidal Anfal campaign,
which caused the death of 182,000 Kurdish civilians during the 1980s. Then, on
Oct. 19, Saddam Hussein finally went on trial.
None of this would have been possible without the U.S.-led liberation of
Iraq, an operation in which Kurds were proud partners. After the U.S. armed
forces, our pesh merga was the second-largest member of the coalition.
Today the security forces of Iraqi Kurdistan remain highly capable and
reliable allies of the United States. By consistently working with the United
States and reaching out to our fellow Iraqis, we have been at the heart of a
political process based on equality and inclusion, on consensus and
compromise.
Above all, we have taken the path of engagement because, like the United
States, we need Iraq to succeed and avoid a repetition of the horrors of the
past. We have therefore been engaged in Iraqi national politics and
governance. Kurds have joined the new Iraqi military in large numbers. We have
made unprecedented sacrifices. Time and again we have pursued political
settlements by encouraging flexibility and consensus.
And yet the Kurds have been vilified as separatists and derided for
"overreaching." This stems from a belief that our aim is independence, and
from the chauvinism that defines the Middle East as homogenous, that refuses
to accepts its inherent diversity. What those who carp at the victims in Iraq
fail to understand is that Kurds, like other Iraqis, crave security --
security for the future and security from the terrors of the past. We suffered
more than 80 years of discrimination and disadvantage -- suffering that
culminated in anti-Kurdish ethnic cleansing and genocide.
Unlike our critics, Kurds are pragmatists and moderates. We know that we
have rights, but we also understand that we have responsibilities. We are
patriots, not suicidal nationalists. That moderation has translated into a
commitment to dialogue. We were pivotal in the establishment of the Iraqi
Governing Council in July 2003 without any preconditions. We were under no
obligation to reattach Kurdistan to Iraq. After all, the United States is not
asking Kosovo to rejoin Serbia.
Our desire for security and our principles of moderation and dialogue
were key factors in the proposal of all the major Iraqi political parties to
create a federal, pluralistic and democratic Iraq in which power is
decentralized and so less open to abuse. Iraqis of all communities recognize
that only such a formula can keep Iraq intact.
In Iraqi Kurdistan we have, for the past 14 years, accepted the idea
that we are a diverse society. Ethnic and religious minorities -- Assyrian and
Chaldean Christians, Yazidis and Turkomans -- all serve in the Kurdistan
regional government and all have the right to educate their children in their
mother tongues and to broadcast in their own languages. We firmly believe that
the Middle East must accommodate all of its peoples and all of their languages
and religions. Nor is Kurdistan alone in this regard. In the new Iraq, the
Kurds see their role as bridge builders, as a community that has every
interest in an inclusive political process that gives Iraq a better future
while addressing the injustices of the past.
Just as Kurds have not taken revenge on the Arab settlers who took over
their land, so the moderate Sunni Arabs and Shiite Arabs of Iraq have shown
similar forbearance in the face of a wave of suicide bombings that has claimed
many thousands of lives. All democratic Iraqis have shown they realize that
the wrongs of the past can be redressed only through agreed-on legal
mechanisms and that justice cannot be selective. It is as important for Kurds
to be allowed to return to Kirkuk and for Marsh Arabs to be restored to their
homes as it is for Saddam Hussein to be put on trial.
The restraint of the victims, the defiance of the millions who vote --
refusing to be drawn into the civil war fantasies of the terrorists --
vindicate the courage and vision of the United States and its coalition
partners. Backing this fundamentally sound vision has been President Bush's
moral understanding of the healing and dignity that democracy confers upon all
men and women, an understanding that the Kurds share.
The United States has never wavered in its quest to help Iraqis build a
democracy that rewards compromise and consensus. The ever-generous American
people have paid a tragic price, the lives of their finest men and women, to
advance the banner of freedom and democracy, a sacrifice for which we are
profoundly grateful. We all know that democracy is the only solution to
political problems, the only method by which grievances can be addressed. In
this war and for these principles, the Kurds are true friends of the United
States.
The writer is president of the Kurdistan region of Iraq
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