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KurdistanObserver.com
In Turkey, a First-Ever Debate About
Armenian Mass Killings
On eve of EU accession talks, a conference on the World
War I massacres stirs controversy.
By Scott Peterson | Staff
writer of The Christian Science Monitor
Sep 26, 2005
ISTANBUL, TURKEY -
Opposition to a conference about mass killings of Armenians moved from Turkish
courtrooms to the street over the weekend as scholars discussed the World War I
massacres publicly for the first time on Turkish soil.
Turkish nationalists, who back the official line that there was no Armenian
genocide, sought to make their views embarrassingly plain by hurling eggs and
tomatoes outside Istanbul Bilgi University, a back-up venue used to skirt a
court order Thursday that sought to shut down the conference at another
location.
But participants cast the event as a breakthrough for expanding civil society -
a key issue as Turkey prepares to open talks Oct. 3 over accession to the
European Union. "The most important thing is that this [conference] is happening
at all," said Cengiz Candar, a prominent columnist for Bugun newspaper, who was
hit by an egg as he spoke outside the conference. "It will help to recoup some
of Turkey's negative image and, more fundamentally, its commitment to the EU and
democracy."
Potential EU membership has prompted a raft of democratic changes in recent
years - including more freedom of expression. EU officials say they view the
conference as a benchmark for tolerance, warning after the court ruling of a
"provocation" that could hurt Turkey's case.
Armenians say that 1.5 million Armenians (historians often count 1 million) died
in the first systematic genocide of the 20th century, at the hands of Ottoman
Turkish forces.
In Turkey, the official version holds that some 300,000 Armenians died as they
took up arms to push for independence and sided with invading Russian armies.
The partisan conflict, Turkey has argued, took just as many Turkish Muslim
lives.
Questioning that version can lead to prosecution of people considered traitors,
the term used by nationalist lawyers who petitioned for the conference closure.
Well-known novelist Orhan Pamuk faces trial in December for "denigrating" the
Turkish state by mentioning an Armenian and Kurdish death toll during an
interview.
Last May, the justice minister said the conference was a "stab in the Turkish
nation's back," prompting it to be postponed, and tapping into hard-line
elements.
"Laws change during a war, and when some of your citizens, on your soil, hit you
in the back, then any nation on earth would punish them," says Volkan Ekiz, a
protester whose group lobbed eggs and tomatoes this weekend as police looked on.
"It's not a scientific conference. It's the Turkish war of independence, and
nobody can say that it's genocide," said Uckun Gerai, a central committee member
of the nationalist Worker's Party of Turkey, outside the conference. "Turkey has
a problem with the US and EU, but it's a political problem."
Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Foreign Minister Abdullah Gul,
keenly aware of the challenges ahead in EU talks, spoke forcefully in favor of
the conference after the Thursday court decision. Mr. Erdogan said he wants a
Turkey "where liberties are practiced to the full."
Halil Berktay, coordinator of the history department at Sabanci University, says
the opposition was not surprising. "This is a country of more than 70 million,
with a strong nationalist past; there are strong forces opposed to the European
Union, to democracy and opening up," he says.
But, he adds, "the question of what happened in 1915-1916 is not a mystery, it's
not like we know just 5 percent. We know 85 percent, so the question is not
finding more evidence. The question is liberating scholarship from the
nationalist taboos...."
Finding the balance between modernizing Turkey - the eastern anchor of the NATO
alliance - and dealing with its staunchly statist history has not been easy. A
further challenge is overcoming reluctance in the EU to accepting a Muslim
state.
"Turkey has to confront its history, and the fact of the violence of 1915 and
1916, and lack of accountability, sanctioned more [state] violence," says Fatma
Muge Gocek, a sociologist at the University of Michigan and a conference
adviser.
"The discourse is not new; the fact that it is said in Turkey is what matters,"
says Ms. Gocek. "They are great developments."
Candar shares the optimism. "The judiciary is one of the most reactionary and
backward institutions in Turkey, and the illegal [court] verdict reflects the
inherent problems," he charges. "But the fact that we are discussing this is
ample evidence to be optimistic."
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