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OP/ED pieces are restricted to
columnists who contribute their opinions solely to the Kurdistan Observer
KurdistanObserver.com
30th June 2004 the end
or beginning of conflicts in Iraq?
By: D.
Nazhad Khasraw Hawramany
May 8, 2004
The 30th June 2004 is
approaching rapidly and with it the proposed transfer of sovereignty to Iraqi
authorities. The American administration is seeing this date as a possible
outlet from its current dilemma in Iraq, and yet none of the real problems of
Iraq are properly addressed but rather postponed or worse badly approached.
The dilemma in Iraq is that all the parties involved, i.e. Iraqi Kurds, Arab
Sunnis, Arab Shias and Americans have different prospects and visions of the new
Iraq , and to think that a magic formula will be found by the UN
representative Mr. Albrahimi witch will solve all the chronic problems of the
diverse Iraq in one stroke is too naive and dangerous. I will try to elaborate
on possible visions and agendas of each of the parties involved:
1. The Americans: The Americans would like to see a peaceful united Iraq, with
all its different ethnic and religious groups living in harmony with each
other, and with a western style democracy being established in Iraq, this
country should not have a strong army, it must be friendly with the west, at
best neutral in its stand towards Arab-Israeli conflict, must allow coalition
troops to have bases in Iraq, and its foreign policies must be synchronized with
American policies, there shouldn't be a theocratic Iranian style government, it
shouldn't be a safe haven for terrorists, with the neighboring courtiers
refraining from meddling in the Iraqi internal affairs, this new government
should help to stabilize world oil prices if there are turbulences. What the
Americans failed so far to address is to consent to the geographic boundaries of
Iraqi Kurdistan province, with the unsolved problem of Kirkuk ticking like a
time bomb, the failure to reverse the policies of ethnic cleansing and
Arabization in Iraqi Kurdistan ( mainly in Kirkuk, Shangal, Khanaguin, Makhmour...etc),
the failure to restrain the Shias from their ambition of domination and building
an Islamic state in Iraq, the failure to define the role of disenchanted Arab
Sunnis in the new Iraq, the failure to build an efficient security force and an
army capable of filling in the vacuum as soon as the occupation is officially
over. All these unsolved problems could escalate into a civil war and a
possible disinegration of Iraq.
2. The Kurds: The Kurds are genuinely hoping to build a democratic state and a
civil society in Iraq, they see this as the only guarantee to safeguard their
newly acquired prosperity and autonomy. They rightly see that without a just and
acceptable solution to their demands for a binational voluntary federation of
Iraqi Kurdistan with the rest of Arab Iraq, instability in Iraq is jeopardized.
The Kurds see Kirkuk and other regions which were victims of ethnic cleansing
and Arabization as an undisputed part of Kurdistan geography, and cannot imagine
a Kurdistan federation within Iraq without Kirkuk as part of it. The Kurds are
angry and disappointed that the coalition are practically preventing the
implementation of steps to allow deported Kurds from returning to Kirkuk and to
claim their land and property which were confiscated by Saddam regime and
unlawfully given to Arab settlers, and while it takes the wishes of Al-Sistani
and insurgent Sunnis seriously, it's taking the Kurds for granted and ignores
their demands to reverse ethnic cleansing and Arabization, and instead is trying
to postpone this potentially volatile problem to the new Iraqi authorities,
something the Kurds are see with skepticism taking the deeply rooted
chauvinistic Arab attitudes towards Kurdish demands> in general. The Kurds
refuse a domination in Iraq by Shias or Sunnis alike and believe that those main
sections of Iraqi society must have equal rights and must share the government.
3. The Shias: The Shias consider themselves a majority in Iraq and therefore
they wish to have the upper hand in any new Iraqi government, they are paying
only lip service to the notion of equal representations for Kurds, Shias and
Sunnis in the new political system of Iraq, they show their dissatisfaction with
the new interim Iraqi constitution, and their objection to the federal system
for Iraqi Kurdistan, to the 25% representation of women, to the clause which
give the Kurds or Sunnis a veto right over the paragraphs of any future
permanent constitution that does not guarantee their rights and to the fact that
the interim constitution Islam as one of the sources of legislation and not
the only source. They don't hide their desire for an Islamic state in Iraq and
are adamant on their objection on any rehabilitation of Baath members who
didn't commit crimes in the new Iraqi system. The Shias ( mainly the Al-Sadr
thugs) have been trying to instigate Shia Turkmen against Kurds in Kirkuk and
with it inciting violence and ethnic conflicts in Kurdistan..
4. The Sunnis: The Sunnis so far have failed to find any credible
political representatives to take their role in the new political system. They
are still confused and can`t accept the reality that their 80 year domination of
Iraqi politics is over. The failure to find credible intellectual
representatives, have given the chance to opportunistic Islamic clerics and
fundamentalists to claim representation. All other Iraqi political forces and
coalition must help the Sunni community to find credible representatives. A
national reconciliation campaign as well as guarantees that the Sunnis will have
a fair representation in Iraqi government as well as allaying the fears of the
Sunnis from a possible persecution by Shias is justified. Attempts to
rehabilitative and forgive those Sunni Baath elements which didn't participates
in crimes against Iraqi people is to be encouraged if Iraqi unity is to be
preserved. Those army officers ( at least some of them) without criminal records
must be reintegrated to the new Iraqi army. In return the Arab Sunnis must
stop sheltering Arab and foreign Jihadis (terrorists) in their region.
D. Nazhad Khasraw Hawramany
Switzerland
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